On the encoding of ALLATIVE and RECIPIENT in the Greek diachrony

Abstract

This article focuses on the Greek ALLATIVE preposition eis, and in particular on the semantic extension
from the ALLATIVE to the RECIPIENT. Based on diachronic data, it is argued that the emergence of the
ALLATIVE–RECIPIENT polysemy is not directly connected to the loss of the dative case, as it is often implied.
Under the theoretical framework provided by cognitive linguistic studies, the mechanism which
underlies this polysemy of eis is investigated. Furthermore, it is shown that in the course of time,
Greek does not follow one single pattern with regard to the encoding of these two senses. Finally, the
article continues the debate about the extension pathways that may give rise to the RECIPIENT.

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